IVOR STEVENS: THE MAN AND HIS POLITICS
Whitman T Browne.
Ivor Algernon Stevens was born at Downing Street, Sandy Point, St Kitts, on August 23rd, 1911, to Ethelinda Leonora Penn-Stevens (Ma Stevens), of Tortola, and James Henry Stevens (Pa Stevens), of St Kitts. Eleven children were born to that union. Seven of them, five boys and two girls survived to adulthood.1 Ma Stevens was homemaker, teacher, and the one who dominated the home. Pa Stevens was Supervisor of Public Works, a surveyor, a former teacher, and a dutiful husband. Both May, the only one of the children now alive, and Hope, who had resided and worked in New York, as a lawyer, in the firm of Stevens and Murray, have claimed at different times, that their family grew up poor on Nevis. They also spoke of their mother’s insistence on academic excellence. Hope once reflected, "Pa’s salary was so small it could barely sustain us. We usually had barely enough to eat. Our mother made all our clothes, including hers and our father’s. They found it almost impossible to keep us in shoes. But there were two things we had a lot of: ambition and love for each other."2
Their mother’s coaching and demand for academic excellence paid off. Eventually, all the children, except Ivor, held civil service appointments at one time or another. May was the first local person to serve as a matron in a St Kitts-Nevis hospital (1942-1961).3 Cardigan became infamous for his exploits against local alcohol smugglers. Marion served as Post-mistress on St Kitts, and Cecil became a dentist. Garnet once ran the telephone system on Nevis, but he is better remembered on the island as a mechanic. Hope also worked for government in St Kitts and Tortola before he slipped off to New York via The Dominican Republic.4
Ivor did not work as a civil servant in St Kitts, Nevis and Anguilla. He attended primary school on Nevis, at the Charlestown Primary Boys’ School. In 1997, Ivor wrote, "… I had the joy of attending the Charlestown Primary Boys’ School, which was held at the Methodist Church Hall, downstairs. The late Mr. J E Crosse was headmaster and disciplinarian of no mean order."5 After primary school, Ivor attended the now famed Excelsior School, run by a pioneer of secondary education in Nevis, Ms Hellen Bridgewater. The Excelsior was a school designed for girls, but Ivor managed to attend there with his sisters.
Their parents were poor by the standards of the planter class on St Kitts. But Pa Stevens worked for the government. That factor coupled with skin colour (near white) certainly allowed privileges, which were unheard of for the working class Nevisian. Those privileges included, some measure of social mobility, and their grasp of the power of education. The opportunity to attend the Excelsior School and the St Kitts Grammar School was in some way related to one’s social standing in St Kitts and Nevis. Only a small minority of persons on the island during Ivor’s time had that privilege.
Ivor attended the St Kitts Grammar School on scholarship after he left the Excelsior. It does not appear that he enjoyed the total experience at the Grammar School. His sister May recalled that Ivor excelled at cricket and soccer. But she does not remember whether Ivor ever wrote the terminal Cambridge Exam. Further, Ivor himself commented about some of the rules at the Grammar School, with a certain amount of disdain. He said, "While at the Grammar School, a pupil could be easily identified on the street by virtue of a chip hat, with school band and tie and was not permitted to pass an ex-schoolboy, an elderly person, or person of prominence without raising his hat, as in those days a mere complaint led to a caning at school. This eventually gave authority to a member of the public in whose opinion, if your action deserved a whipping, gave you one on the spot."6
Even during his younger days, however, Ivor seemed rebellious and anti such protocol. In one story he told about his laughing at a Mr. Thomas Montgomery Hanley. He thought Mr. Hanley was dressed quite funny: black double breasted coat, bell bottomed pants, black top hat, black tie and white shirt, topped off with a black umbrella. Ivor was later reprimanded by his father for disrespect.7 Little wonder then, that the stringent rules at the Grammar School did not go down well with him.
When Ivor left the Grammar School, he took employment with the firm, S L Horsford & Co., a major merchandising business on St Kitts, also dealing with shipping, and holding interest in sugar estates on the island. In 1940, Ivor left his job at Horsford and joined the Canadian Army. He served with the signal corps in Europe and North Africa for six years. Ivor was wounded in action. But he was told a removal of the shrapnel, back then, could have endangered his life. As Ivor aged, that foreign matter did affect his body and eventually hastened his death in June 1997.8
Ivor returned to St Kitts at the end of his military service. There, he was re-employed by S L Horsford. However, Ivor soon left that job and became the foreman of the third shift at the St Kitts Sugar Factory.9
The 1940’s were tumultuous times in St Kitts. And the sugar factory was at the centre of that tumult. Further, a labour union had been organised (1940), and by 1944, Robert L Bradshaw had become its leader. In the midst of all that, a class war was raging on St Kitts.10 Because of his position at the sugar factory, Ivor was in an ideal location to observe that ongoing struggle. He could not have avoided it. His wife Dora recalled that Ivor complained about the discrimination against local sugar workers, which he saw at the factory. As a result, Ivor encouraged his men to work hard and show their competence. Consequently, his men won the incentive prize for good work on numerous occasions.11 Some time during that period of struggle Ivor even went the other mile and joined the labour union.12
Thus, long before he returned to Nevis, Ivor showed interest in, and sympathy to, the concerns of oppressed people, but he did not enter politics on St Kitts. Ivor must have calculated carefully and became aware of things which would have worked against him there. They included:
Having given the political picture on St Kitts a thorough review, Ivor made his choice. He decided he would enter politics, but to do so on Nevis. It was virtually virgin territory there. So, Ivor moved to Nevis from St Kitts in 1953. The fact that his father was ill on Nevis provided Ivor a very good excuse for the move. By then, he had been married, going on four years, to the former Dora Harper, a mathematics teacher at the Basseterre Girls’ High School.
Long before the election of 1957, Ivor started to campaign on Nevis. But, initially, he concealed his move to politics from Dora. That was fairly easy, since she had remained on St Kitts. A transfer to a school on Nevis was still being worked out for her. Consequently Mrs. Stevens was to hear of Ivor’s politicking from a fellow teacher, at the school where she worked.13 Ivor later confessed his intention to Dora. But he explained there were some concerns which bothered him. That was why he had not levelled with her and told her everything from the start He thought she would have discouraged him from entering politics, if he had expressed his intention to her. Mrs. Stevens admitted later that Ivor’s intuition was correct. She was also concerned about the dirty personal attacks which would be directed towards herself and her family.14
Ivor had watched the development of labour politics on St Kitts very carefully. Time did show that he learned well. Bradshaw had a given, and captive audience, among the cane cutters and the other disadvantaged poor workers on the estates. For Ivor on Nevis, that was not the case. He had to create and mould a constituency.
Nevertheless, Ivor was undaunted by that prospect. By nature, he was aggressive yet charming, a skilful tactician with a penchant for endurance. Exposure to the military, the politics he had observed on St Kitts, and the fact that Ivor had a decent education background, all helped to prepare him well for what lay before him. Further, Ivor grasped things quickly, he could be approached easily, and he was a praxical man, always willing to learn. Within a short time, he had fashioned a plan to meet Nevisians where they were and to sell them his politics there. Even Lee Moore agreed that Ivor did an exceptional job of reaching the lower classes on Nevis. As Moore saw it, "Ivor was an enigma."15
During that phase of Nevis politics, there were two constituencies on the island. The seat that included, St Thomas,’ St Paul’s and St John’s, parishes had been vacated by James (Jimzy) Liburd. He was a supporter of the Labour Party.16 Later, Liburd and David Lloyd of Anguilla, were hand-picked by Robert Bradshaw as his second and third men to Trinidad, as the St Kitts, Nevis and Anguilla representatives to the West Indies Federation. The other seat, St James’ and St George’s parishes was held by J. D. Gordon of Fenton Hill area. But that time when the Labour Party on St Kitts manipulated Nevis politics was ending.
In 1957, a new era of politics was beginning on Nevis. Three political novices were on the verge of taking the plunge into that arena. They were Eugene Walwyn, a lawyer, Wilmoth Nicolls, a teacher, and Ivor Stevens, a businessman. All three were firey patriots. They were committed to an independent Nevis, not dominated from St Kitts.
It appeared that Eugene and Ivor had agreed to work together when they started. But that agreement did not last long. The plan that Ivor would run in the town area and Eugene in the country area was soon cast aside. Right from the start of the politicking, the two men found themselves at odds with each other and campaigned one against the other.17 Eugene was a young lawyer, well known throughout Nevis. He had a much better chance than Ivor at winning a seat in the country area.
Thus, the 1957 election on Nevis saw a young teacher, Wilmoth Nicholls, challenging J. D. Gordon for the St George’s-St James’ seat while Stevens and Walwyn became engaged in the first encounter of what was to become a series of political battles. Nicholls won against Gordon and in that first skirmish, Stevens was no match for Walwyn. However, Elmo Liburd, a former teacher, who later worked in government with Ivor, supported the view of Mrs. Stevens, "My husband never stopped campaigning. Win or lose, he kept enticing people to his side." Elmo Liburd added, "Ivor was very persevering. He did not give up when he lost to Walwyn in 1957."18
The next general election was held in 1961. Ivor had campaigned from 1957, and he was ready to contest the election. However, by that time, there was a new St Kitts vs. Nevis conflict and the Nevis secession issue had been resurrected, the first time since 1882-1883,19, a foreboding to the government in St Kitts of things to come. Following is a brief review of that scenario.
Shortly before the election the Labour Party, led by Bradshaw agreed to impose an additional five cents, to the existing one cent per pound tax, on exported cotton. That was an increase of 500% in tax on cotton, then the chief export crop grown in Nevis. Both Walwyn and Nicholls walked out of the House of Assembly, in protest, and took the matter to the citizens of Nevis.
The farmers, politicians and other citizens of Nevis agreed that such an increase in export duty on cotton demanded some drastic reaction from Nevisians. In 1961, before the general election was called, they came together in support of Walwyn, who by then had organized the first real political party on Nevis, the United National Movement (UNM). Their next move was a call for secession from St Kitts and Anguilla.20 To make their point, Nevisians organized demonstrations in both Nevis and St Kitts.21 Then, they took a boat to St Kitts and marched through the streets of Basseterre to Government House, with the intention of seeing then Governor, H A C Howard. It was Eastertime. Reputedly, Bradshaw, on learning of the demonstration, responded with what was perceived as his typical disdain towards Nevisians, "The masquerades have come at Easter."22 How very wrong he was that time!
Secession was becoming a Nevisian cause. Walwyn was signalling that he would lead the issue. Consequently, Ivor acted magnanimously. He refused to contest the election against Walwyn in 1961.23 Even before the election was held, however, Walwyn turned on one of his supporting politicians, Wilmoth Nicholls, and helped to defeat him in the election. Further, he refused to give the secession matter the representation he promised. Rather, Walwyn began to signal growing ties to the Labour Party, the very matter for which he had accused Nicholls.24
In time, Ivor became very angry with Eugene. He disassociated himself from the UNM, and began a move towards the formation of a Nevis political party. Ivor was convinced that the UNM was too closely alligned to the St Kitts Labour Party. Years later, Ivor commented:
… as a result of Eugene Walwyn having promised that he would carry the resolution for the Secession of Nevis from St Kitts. However, the reverse took place, in that he neither intended to push nor produce secession in the House of Assembly, where constitutionally it should have been first debated; so that when he and his party arrived in England the question was posed if he had taken it to the House. Having decided in the negative, he was told by the British Government that nothing could be done. This was well known to Eugene from the start. This [also] left entrenched in the minds of the people that Eugene [later] accepted the post of Attorney General instead of pushing the Nevis issue.25
The next election contest between Stevens and Walwyn took place in 1966. It was a very close contest. Ivor lost by a mere 42 votes and a loud cry of foul was heard from his camp. His supporters felt that through trickery the pro Labour Party, election authorities, favoured Eugene at some point during the counting of the ballots.26
Between 1966 and the election of 1971, there was a number of social and political incidents in St Kitts, in Nevis and in Anguilla, which would affect and change directions in the islands’ politics, into the twenty-first century. Most of what happened favoured Ivor’s candidacy and politics. On February, 27th, 1967, the Labour Government officially moved all three islands to the political status of Statehood in Association with Britain. On June 10th, 1967, however, there was an attempt by Angolans, with collaboration from St Kitts, to overthrow the lawful government of Robert Bradshaw.27 In response a number of persons was arrested, a state of emergency was declared in all three islands, both the police and the defense force were mobilized. Meanwhile, other citizens were armed, or called to alert, in anticipation of further disruptions in the society.
Against the wishes of Nevisians, troops were stationed on Nevis and on the ferry as it travelled between the islands. About that time, too, there was a rumour that Ivor Stevens threatened that Nevisians would seize the ferry, which plied between the islands. The other critical event which affected St Kitts-Nevis politics during that period was the tragic sinking of the ferry Christena, on August 1, 1970.28 There were over 300 passengers on a government run ferry, which was registered to carry 155 passengers. Only 91 persons survived. Most of those who died were Nevisians. They were visiting St Kitts for one reason or another, and were returning home.
Ivor gained some political mileage when Bradshaw stationed troops on Nevis. However, it was the circumstances surrounding the sinking of the Christena that really energized Ivor’s politics after his two previous losses. Despite Ivor’s claim that his first political party began in 1967,29 that new party really came into its own on October, 20th , 1970,30 merely two months after the Christena sank. It was named the Nevis Reformation Party (NRP)31 and it had the support of almost every Nevisian. Further, the secession matter, which had been re-visited briefly in 1961, became a stable feature in Nevis politics after the Christena incident. Swords were drawn. Nevisians were hyped-up for an all out attack against their enemies on St Kitts. Meanwhile, through skilful politicking, Ivor had manoeuvred himself to a position of strength in the society. He was poised to gain political advantage from the situation at hand.
Thus, Ivor trounced Eugene in the 1971 election, winning by over 300 votes. Eugene had become too cozy with the Labour Government. Slowly, but surely, he had come to be perceived as a traitor to Nevisians interests.
By the election of 1975, two things had become certain in Nevis politics: (1) The NRP was the dominant political force on Nevis. (2) Nevisians no longer wanted to be associated with St Kitts. They were very serious about secession from St Kitts. As a matter of fact, that was the theme of NRP’s election campaign in 1975.32 Then, for the next five years (1975-1980), the Nevis Reformation Party led a protracted struggle against Bradshaw and his government on St Kitts, over independence for the two islands.
Nothing that the Labour Party did to entice Nevisians to come along and think independence worked. Their thinking was riveted on secession for Nevis. Eventually, that ongoing divide between St Kitts and Nevis politics was to cause a great disappointment for the Labour Party and its politics. Bradshaw declared that independence was his next political goal for St Kitts-Nevis, during the election campaign of 1975. Ivor Stevens was not leader of the NRP, but he was its chief political strategist.33 He used every opportunity that presented itself to frustrate the Labour Party’s move towards independence for St Kitts and Nevis. It did not matter what efforts the Labour Party made towards conciliation, the Nevisians just did not cooperate. There was also that other thorny matter, the separation of Anguilla from St Kitts and Nevis, over which the British Government and Bradshaw had an impasse. He was always for a Caribbean federation. Bradshaw had great difficulty in agreeing with Britain’s move to return Anguilla to its direct oversight.
In the midst of that struggle to achieve independence, Robert Bradshaw died, (May 23rd,1978), without receiving that honour of being the first Prime Minister of the islands. Two years later, after a critical election, (February 10th , 1980), the NRP formed a coalition with the St Kitts opposition party, the People’s Action Movement (PAM), and deposed the Labour Government. Then, in September 1983, to add insult to injury, both NRP and PAM, which were vehemently against the Labour Party’s move towards independence, accepted that very political status from Britain, on behalf of the people of St Kitts and Nevis. Kennedy Simmonds, not Robert Bradshaw, or Lee Moore, became the first Prime Minister of St Kitts-Nevis.34
The history is there. None can deny it. The St Kitts, Nevis and Anguilla Labour Party did much to encourage constitutional development for the three islands, and the Caribbean area. Consequently that separation of Anguilla from St Kitts-Nevis in 1980, and the PAM’s Simmonds becoming first Prime Minister of St Kitts-Nevis, 1983, were very bitter political pills for the Labour Party to swallow. However, Ivor had no regrets. The Labour Party had frustrated Nevis politics and aspirations for years. That the powerful Labour Party had finally been humbled, to Ivor and all other Nevisians, it was very sweet revenge.
Meanwhile, Ivor had no intention of allowing the PAM to take the NRP for granted. His party had made two critical compromises with the PAM. Those decisions were made not just to benefit the PAM. Each decision was a strategic move towards NRP’s ultimate goal of more political autonomy for Nevisians. In 1980, when the two parties agreed to a coalition, Attorney Simeon (Sim) Daniel, the leader of NRP, deliberately opted to become the Minister of Finance and Ivor Stevens chose the Ministry of Communications and Works. Nevis was in dire need of infrastructural development. The politicians in Nevis were convinced that being at the head of those two powerful ministries could help Nevis’ cause.35
In 1983, before NRP agreed to that move to independence, Ivor forced an agreement to the now famous Clause 113. That is the part of the St Kitts-Nevis constitution, which guarantees Nevis can opt out of the federation at any point, provided two-thirds, or more of its citizens, vote to do so.36 Thus, the special clause Ivor managed to have included in the constitution, has kept the secession option open for Nevisians. Despite almost 40 years of talking secession, That clause gave the first formalized secession strategy to Nevisians. In August, 1998, Premier Vance Amory put Clause 113 to the test. It worked. But Amory did not achieve his goal of 66%, or better vote, so that he could break Nevis from the St Kitts-Nevis federation.
The next move in the political relationship between St Kitts and Nevis is still being debated. Whatever the outcome, it must be an improvement over that traditional relationship between them. Those ugly times still causes much pain and hate, when Nevisians who knew them wander back, and see them in their minds’ eyes.
Ivor was proud to call himself, "a divisionist".37 Former Prime Minister, Kennedy Simmonds, and two colleagues from Ivor’s days in Nevis local government, Uhral Swanston and Joseph Parry, all agreed that Ivor was not a secessionist in the true sense of the word. All three concluded that Ivor used the secession argument as a political tool. It was to give Nevis politics leverage to achieve tangible things, with which to satisfy the needs of the citizens on the island. During the PAM’s era, with Ivor as middle-man, that approach tended to work well for Nevis. Also, when Premier Amory pushed secession to the hilt in 1998, even that move had some pluses. The whole Caribbean and the world are now focused on St Kitts and Nevis. The government on St Kitts knows that everyone is waiting to see the outcome.
Since the result of the secession vote was published a special commission has been set up to review the structure of the political relationship between the two islands. Obviously the matter is not over as yet. The ultimate political relationship between Nevis and St Kitts is still to be determined. Only recently, as the two political parties on Nevis NRP and the Concerned Citizens Movement (C C M), vied for votes in the March 6th , 2000 election, they both debated the future of secession. As should be expected, they expressed diverse opinions on the matter. In view of the fact that Nevis has a very fragile economy, it is interesting that Amory is still pursuing secession from the federation.
Despite Ivor’s focus on, and use of secession, that was only one facet of his politics. As Lee Moore saw it, "For Ivor, secession was a device."38 With that device, Ivor hoped to achieve steps towards his real political goal: infrastructural development, plus economic and social improvements in Nevis.
Al Thompson, Ivor’s Permanent Secretary in Nevis still speaks with deep sincerity about Ivor’s commitment to improving electricity, water and telephone services on Nevis.39 It was his commitment to such improvements that made Ivor choose to serve as the NRP-PAM Government’s Minister of Communication and Works. He felt that in such a position he could manoeuver things and jump-start improvements on Nevis. In time, that drive to improve things on Nevis became such an obsession that Ivor got in trouble with both Dr Simmonds the Prime Minister, and Sim Daniel the Premier.40
On those occasions, Ivor admitted that he did use unorthodox strategies to ship trucks, or other machines across to Nevis, as they were needed to aid with the island’s development. Later, when one of Ivor’s political opponents accused him of being a thief, Ivor response was, "A thief it for Nevis."41 Ivor was also chief strategist in the creation of the Nevis Sixth Form College, a school for students who want to do the first year of college work at home. He was upset over the fact that Nevis children had to attend school on St Kitts in order to receive that level of education. Recently, Joyah Sutton, one of the first 6th form students, now a lawyer, recalled Ivor’s efforts in that matter with appreciation.42
For a politician, Ivor’s honesty was remarkable and legendary. It was virtually impossible to bribe him with gifts. On those occasions when Ivor received unsolicited gifts, be it Easter, Christmas, or whatever time, the gifts were quickly returned to the sender, with a kind note of thanks. Such a stance by Ivor was refreshing. It was very much unlike the norm for certain others in his party. The appearances in the other situation frequently caused concern on the island. There have been particular incidents, in which wealthy white expatriates demonstrated unusual, privilege on the island. Then they boasted of their close relationship to certain politicians.
Ivor and his leader, Sim Daniel, showed different operating styles when it came to such matters. But Ivor was very loyal to the leader of his party. During their active years in politics, Ivor appeared to have trusted Sim’s judgment and frequently closed his eyes to claims of wrongdoing made by other politicians and citizens in the society. However, as Ivor came to the end of his tenure in politics, it was impossible for him to close his eyes and ears to some of what was going on. Both Ivor’s wife, Dora and his nephew Maurice claimed that Ivor retired from Nevis politics in 1987, because he had become very disillusioned over what was happening in the island’s politics.43 Its leadership was not leading creatively, and there was growing discontent within the NRP. Before he died, Ivor was heard saying frequently, "Had I served my party as diligently as I served my leader, Nevis would not now be in this predicament in which it finds itself."
Interestingly, although Daniel accused Stevens privately and publicly of wanting to take over the leadership of the NRP, Ivor had this to say on that matter, " Not being a Nevisian by birth and considering myself to be one on account of my many years spent here, I consider it my home, but with it all, I always wanted to know that a person whose umbilical cord is buried in Nevis becomes the leader of the country. In which case I always took a back seat in all endeavours…"44
However, other persons closely involved in the politics and who knew about the operations of the party, have suggested that Ivor did not always take a back seat when the party had to make critical decisions. He might not have always insisted openly, but Ivor made certain, even though quietly, that his voice was heard in party and political matters. One person who was a member of that NRP government, has pointed out that Premier Sim Daniel always seemed afraid of Ivor Stevens and showed a certain deference towards him. Consequently, in major discussions, Ivor’s views tended to prevail. That view seems to agree with available historical and other evidence. Ivor was not leader of the party, but he dominated it in many ways. Actually, the group almost fell apart when he left in 1987. Within five short years of his retiring, the party lost power. At the present time, the former leader, Mr. Daniel is barely on speaking terms with the current leader of the party, Mr. Parry. That is despite the fact that they worked very closely together, while Ivor was there.
Thus, Ivor was frequently the warrior and strategist behind the NRP’s political moves. It was he who gave the NRP staying power. Sim, meanwhile, wanted to quit under pressure from Bradshaw and the Labour Party, during the 1970’s. Often, Daniel appeared preoccupied, and too engrossed in making deals to sell some more land, or to entice another wealthy expatriate to build a house on Nevis. He always collected fees, of course.45
Stevens, on the other hand, showed great restraint and a high level of integrity during those years of the NRP’s dominance. There was a deliberate effort by Ivor to live as closely as possible to the lifestyle of the people he represented - humble, old cars, a modest house, and at times very simple dress. Every Nevisian could have seen the simplicity. For Ivor, his motto always appeared to be: Country above self.
Outside of politics, Ivor Stevens was aggressive, self-assured, and independent. He could have been many things other than a politician if he chose to. But he stayed humble, committed and accessible to Nevisians, at every social stratum, right to the end. Lee Moore was right. What Ivor became when he returned to Nevis and entered the island’s politics made him appear an enigma. Franklyn Brand, Ivor’s close friend and protégé once referred to Ivor as an actor. Meanwhile, Joseph Parry, for a long time a stabling force in the NRP party and government, saw Ivor as, "… a very complex man. He has often spoken of one needing background to go with an education."46
Yet, Ivor, in his politicking, has deliberately courted farmers and fishermen. He took up their causes and he named many of those persons among his best friends. Ivor also advocated that such persons must have a direct voice in decisions about themselves and their society. "No college trained person can truly empathize with them and solve their problems," Ivor often said.47
Today, there is little doubt that Ivor Stevens was a complex and unique figure in the politics of St Kitts and Nevis. His pre-politics experiences were largely bourgeoisie. However, as a politician, he depicted enormous understanding and empathy for the lower classes. In time what might have begun as a shallow political strategy became much more than that. Ivor really learned to empathise with the little man. One person claimed that Ivor came to Nevis seeing himself as a Moses, destined to lead the island out of its wilderness.
At the same time, however, Ivor never lost sight of the fact that he was of the upper class – a Stevens. That was why he often spoke of "having background". And that, too, was why, when Ivor faltered and fathered a daughter out of wedlock, it was particularly difficult for him to discuss that story with his family. They would have frowned on such a matter. Class standing, too, must have become an important issue in that situation. Thus, for many years the family treated the incident with denial. To them it was an escape from reality. But that approach did not really work.
The matter as to the true nature of the relationship which existed between Sim Daniel and Ivor Stevens also came to be part of that complex class issue. There was no clear evidence that Ivor wanted to take over the political leadership of Nevis from Sim. Actually, it was Ivor, the politician, who agreed for Sim, the lawyer and political novice, to become the official leader of the NRP. There was need for a lawyer to provide the party legal guidance. The group opted for the cheapest way to do that. Get a Nevis oriented lawyer to join the party!48
Seemingly, the two men did manage to hide the vast differences between them and worked together to benefit Nevis for a number of years. However, there were subtle factors which prevented both men from reaching total trust of each other. Sim is of humble country background. He was partially raised by a white priest. Ivor, on the other hand, grew up in the town area in a middle-class family, with parents, brothers and sisters. While Ivor was very fair, and near white, Sim is very dark and does not always appear to be comfortable with his complexion. These factors of background differences between the two men, always seemed to have dogged the relationship between them. There were always feelings of distrust which pushed them apart.
Sim thought continuously that Ivor and other persons, in the party, conspired against him.49 His thinking was that Ivor would move against him and eventually take over the island’s leadership. Meanwhile, there were those who saw patronizing disdain whenever Ivor , or his family dealt with Sim.
One political insider concluded, "Sim was afraid of Ivor and Ivor knew it." Whenever Ivor dealt with Sim he saw superiority in his Stevens background and ancestry. Ultimately, time never bridged that chasm for either man. They parted political company just before the end of the 80’s. The two former colleagues never came together as friends, or comrades, again in life. When Ivor was sick, Sim did not make the time to visit him. Further, the remarks Sim presented at Ivor’s funeral were for an acquaintance, not a friend and colleague for almost 20 years.
It appeared that Ivor’s famed loyalty kept him committed to at least a working relationship with Sim during the 70’s. Those were the very difficult and frustrating years of battling with Robert Bradshaw and his Labour Party Government. Matters the two islands deliberated over included the fall-out from Anguilla, the Christena tragedy and the move towards independence. There was also much acrimony and a sense of urgency during the drive to have Bradshaw become the first Prime Minister of St Kitts and Nevis, before he died.
On those matters neither side gave the other an inch. Ivor and Sim gritted their teeth, and always made certain the people of Nevis were behind them. And they did hold together for Nevis, despite the colonial type treatment the island received from St Kitts. Further, that overwhelming support from the citizenry in Nevis helped to keep the two men welded together and focussed on their political goal - a better deal for Nevis. At that point in their political life, too, Sim and Ivor really needed each other.
During the 1980’s the two men were afforded leadership roles in the NRP - PAM coalition government. Unfortunately, during those years, their uneasiness with each other, kept pushing them apart. Eventually Ivor admitted there was conflict, and he made this statement. "If I had to get into politics again I would never get involved with a lawyer."50 Also, he chided his friend, Victor Martin, for wanting to become a lawyer. Then, in his White Paper, he referred to lawyers with disdain. Ivor spoke of the " influx of Nevis lawyers."51 Those experiences he had with Eugene, Sim, and later Ted Hobson appeared to have been a major factor colouring Ivor’s future view of lawyers, especially those on Nevis.
Ivor’s experiences with Sim also forced him to rethink the matter of governance on the island. In his 1997 White Paper, Ivor outlined in a detailed way, a prescription for controlling the political and financial powers of all politicians, including the Premier. He also advocated that they become more responsive and responsible to the people who elect them. Some of the changes to the present system, which Ivor suggested are included here:
Defining Ivor Stevens, the man and his politics, was never a simple task. It has not become any easier in the year, 2000. What one saw was not always what one got. Ivor was a man of many veneers. At one and the same time he could depict intense love and intense hatred. He, too, like the proverbial politician, could become a bedfellow with strangers, if the situation at hand demanded that. The long, but ultimately peripheral relationship with Sim, illustrated that. It was also known that behind the bitter politics Bradshaw and Ivor’s family had a fairly good relationship. From time to time, Ivor and his brother Cecil took time to have tea together with Robert Bradshaw. From time to time, Ivor also told friends of his admiration for Lee Moore, and his resentment towards Fitzroy Bryant. He also expressed very negative feelings towards Premier Vance Amory. Again and again Ivor told friends, "I respect the office of Premier, not that man in the office."53
Attorney Mark Brantley of Nevis suggested, "Ivor was to Nevis what J N France was to St Kitts."54 The peculiar fact about these men was that each was born on one island, but he provided yeoman’s service in the other.
Nevis and Nevisians were always on Ivor’s mind. He spared no effort in attacking St Kitts and Kittitians in defense of Nevis and Nevisians. Ironically, one factor which affected the level of trust between Ivor and Sim, at times, was the fact that Ivor was a born Kittitian. From time to time, Sim did lump Ivor with all the other Kittitians and referred to him as, "a St Kitts man".55
Despite Sim’s label of Ivor, he, too, has admitted that Ivor left a rich legacy of positive changes in the lives of Nevisians.56 Those who worked closely with Ivor, including Al Thompson, Elmo Liburd, Norman Jones and Alvea Sargeant, who was his secretary, along with others, continue to sing Ivor’s praise as a human being. They also laud his efforts to restructure and upgrade the island’s essential infrastructure.
In his reasonably long lifetime, Ivor gave and gave to Nevis, hoping to make it a better place for Nevisians and for himself.
The island, however, could not and did not consume all of Ivor’s love and attention. He was also in love with his family, particularly his wife Dora, whom he married in St Kitts, 1949. His doting sister, May was always there for him, too. They kept looking out for each other, as they held on adoringly to their closeness and what was left of their traditional family togetherness. Ivor also made the time to speak to others about the institution of the family. He deliberately spoke to friends about the merits of good family values, and good family relations.57 Also, in his final White Paper, Ivor took time to focus on issues and problems he saw helping, or hurting families in Nevis. At one point Ivor commented:
Sufficient to say the modern generation has never been taught, therefore does not know the merits or demerits of the old time system. It is time that the parents be taught how to raise a family along refined and decent ways, as parental control does not exist today.
…On the other hand, a woman might have a child, a job, limited income and at the same time having to face up to inflation - which leaves one to feel that she cannot pay the necessary attention to the child’s upbringing, therefore, viewing it from both sides, the child suffers and eventually the nation.58
Few Nevisians, or Kittitians, who lived during that time can forget Ivor Stevens standing for Nevis throughout the 1970’s and 1980’s. His arguments in defense of Nevis became legendary. On many of those occasions Ivor stood as a knight in shining armour - a champion for Nevisians. There was that time, too, when he stood in the House of Assembly for three successive days, arguing in defense of secession for Nevis.59 That accomplishment still stands as a record in the St Kitts-Nevis Parliament. And it did not matter to Ivor that the enemy was St Kitts, or that he was Kittitian. As far back as when he entered politics in 1957, Ivor knew that St Kitts politicians through their neglect, dealt injustice to Nevis and its people. His mission was to correct that situation. Ivor accepted the betterment of Nevis as a personal challenge. Then he rose to meet it.
Before he departed this life, Ivor must have looked at where Nevis came from, with a sense of satisfaction. The island had changed in many positive ways from what it was during 1957, when he first entered politics. He should have been satisfied that he did his best and made contributions to the dawning of a new day on the island. When Ivor returned to Nevis in 1953, from St Kitts, it was a deliberate choice. He had options, which included Canada, in whose army he had served during the Second World War. Or, he could have stayed on St Kitts, where he was becoming well established, having recently taken a wife. But, by then, Ivor had become a man with a mission, and it was to Nevis that he sensed a calling. A mission enchanted him there.
Back then, Nevis was the place where Ivor felt he could have fulfilled his dreams, achieve, and be somebody, not just have an ascribed name. It was a time of revolution and much change in Caribbean societies. The momentum was bypassing other men of the middle class. But Ivor recognised the coming revolution and wanted to be part of it. So, he went to receptive and politically virgin Nevis and joined the social and political revolution. Today, most Nevisians still remember Ivor, but not because of his family name. They hold fond memories of him because of all he did to bring real change to Nevis, and lasting progress to their lives. Ivor was one Kittitian who made a positive difference in Nevis – historically rare, but always to Ivor, a possible feat.
URL http://www.uwichill.edu.bb/bnccde/sk&n/conference/papers/WTBrowne.html
© Whitman T Browne, 2000. HTML prepared July 3rd, 2000 using 1st Page 2000, revised September 29th, 2000.